Europe Day on 9 May marks the founding moment of the European project, but it also provides a point of assessment. Against a backdrop of geopolitical instability, economic pressure and internal political tensions, questions about delivery and credibility have become more central.
He also serves as a quaestor of the European Parliament, a role responsible for administrative and financial matters affecting MEPs.
Europe Day on 9 May celebrates European unity, yet many citizens increasingly question what Europe delivers in concrete terms. How do you respond to that doubt?
Marc Angel. – “I don’t think that citizens question what Europe delivers in concrete terms. They want more Europe. That is what I hear everywhere I go.
They realise that in the international crisis we are in – wars on our continent, wars in the Middle East and an American ally which we cannot rely on anymore – Europe has to act, be stronger and be more united.
So they expect answers from Europe. They don’t put Europe in question. They want Europe to act and be united. That is also the message we have to pass on Europe Day.
The European project was built on peace, solidarity and cooperation. Where is the EU falling short today?
“Europe is still a peace project. That is very important, even if a lot of younger people have forgotten it. I am from a generation where our parents and grandparents spoke about the wars. Europe was born out of the ashes of the second world war.
We are working on that – for example by investing more in our own defence, strengthening the European pillar in Nato, and becoming more independent, because we cannot rely on American security in the same way anymore.
Europe is still a peace project.
On cooperation, I think this is where we have problems. There are member states that do not cooperate as they should. External actors do not want a strong Europe – they want to divide us and support far-right parties.
So cooperation is where we have to get better, while solidarity remains a very important value.
Europe is often seen as economic before it is social. What has the EU done in recent years to strengthen its social dimension?
“The social dimension has always been very important. Of course, we talk a lot about the single market, and that is linked to the economy.
But in the last mandate, we moved from principles to concrete action. The European Pillar of Social Rights was first a set of principles, and then we turned it into an action plan with legislation.
We had the directive on adequate minimum wages, to make sure wages are decent and that people can live from them, and to strengthen collective bargaining. We had the pay transparency directive to reduce the gender pay gap. We had legislation on platform work, including transparency of algorithms.
We are continuing with new initiatives. There is the Quality Jobs Act, which will come at the end of this year, and we are working on quality traineeships so that trainees are paid. We are also working on housing, with an affordable housing action plan and work in the Parliament.
So there has been a lot of activity – not only from socialists, but across groups – because working conditions are very important in these uncertain times.
How do you see the relationship between competitiveness and social policy in the EU today?
“Competitiveness has two sides. There is competitiveness, but there is also cohesion. Without cohesion, there is no competitiveness.
We have a strong single market, but we should not forget the people working in it.
If you invest in human capital, companies are more productive. So investing in people is also part of economic performance. That is social policy.
We should not oppose the two. That is too black and white. We have a strong single market, but we should not forget the people working in it.
What role should the EU and member states play in addressing rising inequality?
“It is a shared responsibility. You cannot say it is only national governments, and national governments cannot say it is only Europe.
In some countries, inequality is linked to the weakening of the rule of law. When you have corruption and problems with fundamental rights, the economy suffers and inequality increases.
We also have to make sure that inequality between member states does not grow. Convergence is still very important – between countries, but also within regions.
People should have the possibility to stay in their region. Mobility is good when it is a choice, but not when people have to leave because there is no investment or services. That is why investment in services of general interest is important.
How do you view the debate around tax coordination within the European Union?
“Luxembourg has made a lot of efforts since 2013 and is no longer on grey or black lists. That is recognised, and I supported that.
We are not talking about total harmonisation. But we do need a fairer tax system and avoid a race to the bottom.
If we want Europe to do more, we also need resources.
Luxembourg can support that – for example through international minimum taxation. We could also look at measures such as windfall taxes on companies making very large profits.
If we want Europe to do more, we also need resources. That is part of the discussion.
The climate transition has social costs. How should these be managed?
“The costs have to be shared, and we already have European instruments.
There is the Just Transition Fund, for example for regions where the economy was built on coal and needs to be transformed. There is also the Social Climate Fund to support vulnerable households.
We also need practical solutions. For example, social leasing for electric cars can help people who depend on their car, while also supporting European industry.
The green transition is also about independence. We have seen how dependent we are on fossil fuels. With renewables – sun, wind, water – we have resources in Europe. In the long term, that can help reduce costs for households and companies.
The EU often sets ambitious strategies, but implementation can be slow. What is the issue?
“Sometimes it is political will, and sometimes it is institutional design. Unanimity can block progress.
At the same time, the process is very democratic. The Commission consults widely – with member states, stakeholders, trade unions and social partners – and then makes a proposal. National parliaments are involved, and member states are co-legislators.
That takes time. But we have also shown, for example during Covid, that we can act quickly.
If we want to move faster, especially with enlargement, we may need treaty change – for example to move away from unanimity in certain areas.
How serious a challenge is rule-of-law backsliding for the European Union?
“Of course, it affects credibility. That is why it is such an important issue.
At the same time, the European Court of Justice plays a key role. Its rulings are very important in addressing backsliding on the rule of law.
In today’s geopolitical context, strengthening the single market has become a strategic imperative.
There are challenges, but the EU remains credible. You can see that because many countries still want to join.
How has the European left’s economic thinking evolved in recent decades?
“That was about 20 years ago – the time of the so-called third way. Since then, we have learned that the market does not regulate everything.
Housing is a good example. Even here in Luxembourg, the market does not solve the problem. You need regulation.
During Covid, we saw how important state intervention is. At that moment, everyone was happy that governments intervened. We should not be afraid of that. We have learned from that experience.
Where do you see Luxembourg contributing most to the EU’s economic and financial strategy in the coming years?
“I hope Luxembourg remains at the forefront of efforts to deepen and complete the single market. Luxembourg understands first-hand the immense benefits of European integration and, in today’s geopolitical context, strengthening the single market has become a strategic imperative.
Luxembourg can also play an important role as a bridge-builder, helping to bring together different perspectives and find compromises.
In our drive for competitiveness and innovation, Luxembourg should also remain a strong voice for a social Europe that protects workers’ rights and social dialogue as a necessary pillar of a competitive Europe. Luxembourg’s social model demonstrates that competitiveness and respect for social rights can go hand in hand.
Luxembourg can equally continue to play an important role as a European financial hub, particularly in sustainable finance, green investment and cross-border activity. Despite controversies that have occasionally surrounded Luxembourg’s financial centre, it has developed strong expertise in areas including digital finance and fintech. That can help advance broader EU priorities and the Savings and Investment Union.
Luxembourg’s longstanding involvement in microfinance and inclusive finance through development cooperation can also contribute to wider EU efforts in this area.
If Robert Schuman could see today’s Europe, what would he think?
“He would be both proud and concerned.
He would be proud that a project which started with coal and steel has become a political union, a much closer union.
But he would be concerned by the rise of nationalism. Europe was built on reconciliation between countries that were enemies. That is something we should never forget.”
