Addressing students at the College of Europe in Natolin, Poland,  (CSV) gave the keynote speech at the opening ceremony of the Jacques Delors Promotion 2024-2025. It was an opportunity for him to present his views on the state of Europe and his vision for shaping the Europe of tomorrow. A view very similar to that of the founding fathers of the European Union, which can be summed up in one sentence: “There are no easy answers to the challenges of our time. Yet, there is one simple truth: countries trying to deal with them on their own will not succeed. But together, we can.”

To achieve the Europe of tomorrow, a Europe that brings people together, “ensuring peace, prosperity and democracy,” Frieden puts forward four hard-hitting proposals in the area of governance: a European army integrated into Nato, a permanent seat on the UN Security Council for the EU, a multi-speed Europe, and reform of Frontex and Europol.

A European army

Europe as it exists today is the result of an original failure: that of establishing a European Defence Community, a European army to which France refused to give in, on 30 August 1954, when French MPs refused to ratify the treaty establishing an EDC signed on 27 May 1952 in Paris. Things have changed since then, especially after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. “We need to discuss the need for a European army,” says the prime minister. Not an army that would replace the “institutions that encourage dialogue and democracy,” but an army with the “ability to defend our principles.”

Frieden sees this army as “fully integrated and interoperable with Nato.” And he proposes, as a starting point, “a coalition of the willing,” countries “that are ready to pool their sovereign rights to be more effective in terms of defence.” To complement this military component, he advocates that “important foreign policy decisions [be taken] by qualified majority.”

“Now and in the future, the voice of Europe will only be heard if it is a common voice,” he insists. And he believes that the EU, “as an important geopolitical player, should have its own permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council.”

Schengen and external border controls

Faced with the challenge of migration, Frieden wants a return to the “true spirit of Schengen.” In other words, a migration policy combining the protection of the right to political asylum, controlled legal immigration, the fight against illegal immigration and the return of those who cannot claim asylum or a visa. Tackling the return of border controls in the Schengen area--a “short-sighted” move--he wants to strengthen external border controls. He proposes to “turn Frontex into a true European border guard. It should have the same powers as the national agencies at our external borders. And this needs to be backed by a common return policy and mechanism, which increases our bargaining power vis-à-vis third countries. Return policies must become part of our visa and cooperation agreements with third countries.”

Again to strengthen the spirit of Schengen, he proposes the introduction of more in-depth police cooperation, which would involve the creation of a new Europol, “a European police agency with true executive powers in certain areas.”

Governance and enlargement

More than a marriage of convenience, Frieden sees in Europe “an ambition, an aspiration to uphold our common values: democracy, freedom, human rights, rule of law, respect of minorities.” These values are “non-negotiable.” “The single market, the euro, Schengen and common security are not ends in themselves. They are the means to achieve our objectives of peace, democracy and prosperity.”

This leads him to address the question of enlargement, a “strategic” issue.

“It is in our own interest to support those who seek more cooperation with Europe. Of course, taking strategic considerations into account does not mean that enlargement is endless. The EU has a geographical limit: it must be a community of all democracies present on European soil.” Frieden favours a gradual approach to enlargement. “What is needed is a mechanism that brings the various candidate countries gradually towards full membership, by allowing them to access certain EU programmes, without participating in all policies or the decision-making process straightaway.”

A multi-speed Europe

At the same time, he is in favour of “a Europe of multiple speeds, or of concentric circles, of different levels of integration.” It’s an idea he wants to “revive.”

“If we want to deliver on Europe as a necessity and live up to Europe as an ambition, our decision-making needs an overhaul, especially if more countries join. This is not an end in itself but an indispensable means to achieve our goals. Today, Europe often leaves the impression of being slow at making decisions. A lack of consensus should not stand in the way of decisions. That is why we should extend qualified majority voting to more policy areas. In politically sensitive areas, I could imagine a super-qualified majority rather than unanimity. We would avoid one single country blocking important decisions when there is a broad consensus among all others.”

Four shades of Europe

At the core, he imagines “a smaller group of member states [that] would be highly integrated with certain elements of a federal structure, such as the euro, Schengen, a common foreign policy and a common defence. A second circle would be for those who simply want a close economic cooperation, a free trade area. A third circle would include all the candidate countries, offering them more prospects of joining the European Union than today’s waiting room does, which often leaves them in a limbo for far too long. Finally, a fourth level would be aimed at those who do not wish to become members of the European Union, but for whom cooperation is essential in certain areas. I think of countries such as the United Kingdom or Switzerland.”

Most of these ideas go to the heart of national sovereignty, admits Frieden, who has a twofold hope: that today’s challenges----will lead to a change in mentality and, above all, that the young people to whom this speech was primarily addressed will pick up the torch of the European idea.

This article was originally published in .